Beyond “sentiment,” the reasons for France’s rejection in Africa

Analyse · In a vast study published on November 6th by the organization Tournons la page and the Sciences Po-CERI research center, more than 500 African activists express their views on the thorny issue of France’s rejection in Africa. Contrary to popular belief, the criticism is based on deep and (sometimes) nuanced political reflection.

L'image représente une scène de manifestation. Au premier plan, plusieurs personnes se rassemblent, certaines levant les bras. Un homme, au centre, tient une grande pancarte avec l'inscription "ABAS LA FRYCE" en lettres capitales. La foule semble engagée et énergique, exprimant une certaine frustration ou un message de contestation. L'ambiance est chargée d'émotion, avec des visages déterminés et des gestes expressifs, dans un cadre urbain qui suggère un lieu public. Les vêtements des manifestants varient, ajoutant à la diversité de la scène.
A demonstration against the high cost of living and the French presence in Niger, in September 2023, in Niamey.
© TLP

They never have a say when France speaks and decides on their behalf. Yet, African human rights and civic activists are the first concerned when it comes to defending democracy and sovereignty (political, economic, or security) in their country. The pro-democracy network Tournons La Page (TLP) and the Center for International Research (CERI) of Sciences Po are publishing a vast study on November 6, 2024, on the perception of these grassroots women and men regarding France’s actions on the continent. Entitled “What is the name of France’s rejection?”, this analysis offers a real dive into their reflections while their voice is often absent from debates around what would be an “anti-French sentiment”.

For decision-makers in Paris, this generic term, “which has become a linguistic convenience,” according to the report, would express the consequences “of vast manipulation and disinformation campaigns, orchestrated behind the scenes by competing and malicious powers, foremost among which are Russia, but also Turkey or China,” the study’s authors find (two of whom are part of the editorial board of Afrique XXI). These “manipulations” and this “sentiment” would explain the events of recent years: military and diplomatic rupture between France and several West African countries (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger), and a general questioning of its presence (military but also economic and diplomatic) in its former colonies.

One of the major findings of this study, based on a panel of 470 Francophone African activists and 50 others gathered in ten workshops, from six countries (Benin, Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Niger, and Chad), is that “within these activist networks, the rejection of French policy in Africa is massive, almost unanimous,” but also that “the lenses through which these African activists view the situation are profoundly at odds with the dominant discourses in the French media.” An Ivorian (all respondents were anonymized in the study) believes, for example, that “the French media make too much of it,” because “they try to keep the attention on themselves.” “We simply feel that France is interfering too much in our politics, in our lives. So, we have the right to express our frustration. That’s all,” he concludes.

Rumors as convictions

Anti-French sentiment, the French army, France’s economic dominance, democracy and human rights, ’imported’ values, sovereignty... On each of these themes, positions are quite clear-cut despite observable particularities depending on nationalities and local contexts. And even if, sometimes, the assertions are based primarily on rumors. This is a particularly striking observation in the economic domain.

According to the participants, most major sectors of the African economy are dominated by France, which is not necessarily the case in reality. The study compares the idea of a predatory France (“the Cameroonian subsoil belongs to France,” one panel member judged) with the actual weight of French companies turnover in the GDP of the countries concerned: 18% in Gabon (the highest), compared to 3% in Benin and Chad, 8% in Cameroon, etc. The authors emphasize that many rumors "end up functioning as convictions.

The role of multinationals in France’s influence is also denounced. “It is the multinationals that, today, do the work of influencing for France,” asserts a Gabonese. He adds: “The role of French companies is to serve the policies, and not to serve the populations. Everything happens between them and the politicians.” The authors of the report specify that “in general, this criticism of French companies is part of a critique of globalization, the liberalization of trade, and the grip of multinationals, whether they are French, Chinese or Lebanese.”

When it comes to security, France is not a reliable partner

Few participants could find arguments to maintain the CFA franc. The currency shared by fourteen West and Central African countries remains a blatant and stumbling expression of the persistent domination of the former colonial power. “The CFA franc crystallizes debates around French influence, while currency is unanimously considered as an essential marker of sovereignty,” the study summarizes. The CFA franc is seen, above all, as the vector of an “unequal exchange” that would make African economies “weak” and “non-competitive”. An Ivorian participant summarizes a widely shared opinion: “The CFA is a colonial currency. That’s it. A currency that still allows the former colonial powers, the neo-colonialists, to have a grip, to have influence over our economy.”

Economic sovereignty, which would be achieved through currency but also through the reappropriation of resources - “we are truly sovereign when we manage our own resources,” says a Gabonese - is intertwined with the fundamental question of the overall sovereignty of their countries. It also intersects with security concerns and issues of cultural reappropriation. By intervening in all spheres of society, France and the West in general would prevent people from being masters of their own destiny and countries from being truly sovereign.

Regarding security, 78% of respondents believe that France is not a reliable partner. It is not so much the failures that are highlighted (as in the Sahel, with Operation Barkhane), but rather Paris’ refusal to equip national armies with effective weaponry.

©TLP
©TLP

The study highlights that the dominant opinion is that African states have the capacity to respond to these challenges, provided that their armies are properly trained and, above all, equipped. In this regard, Russia appears as a more suitable partner to meet African needs. One panelist referred to the words of the head of the Burkina Faso junta, Ibrahim Traoré: “He said that [when buying weapons] from France or the Europeans, they are the ones who really decide what they want to give you. [...] On the other hand, they are currently buying these weapons from Russia and [Ibrahim Traoré] says [that] 95% of what they want is what they are buying.”

An “imposed” democratic system

Even if the French army is deemed incapable of meeting security challenges, its influence would remain significant according to 85% of the activists surveyed, while “the military influence of the United States is considered significant by 40% of those surveyed, that of Russia by 25% (with a Cameroonian exception at 61%), that of China by 13% (28% in Chad) and that of Turkey by 6%”.

Democracy is also criticized as a Western concept. “The democratic system is regularly described as an imported, sometimes imposed, political model,” explain the authors. The participants highlight France’s double standards: support for coups d’état in Chad and Gabon, denunciation of coups in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger; but also a variable geometry denunciation of human rights abuses...

The majority of panelists remain attached to the fundamental principles of democracy, but “nearly 80% of respondents report being little or not at all satisfied with the state of democracy in their country.” With the exception of Chadians and Cameroonians, less than half of the panel consider that “democracy is preferable to any other form of government”... For many activists, “efficiency” of governance takes precedence over everything else. This demand is particularly strong in Central Africa. The Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, despite authoritarian governance, is seen as an example on the continent.

“They steal the ballot boxes”

Foreign interference in this democratic system is a major concern, especially when the effectiveness of elections is clearly called into question: “They steal the ballot boxes,” says a Gabonese participant. “Democratic principles and human rights are understood here from a cultural perspective, as the product of specific historical contexts that do not correspond to African ’characteristics’. Their universality is questioned, on the pretext of their regional, historical, and/or Western particularity.”

This theme sparked an unexpected debate on gender issues. The TLP-CERI study shows that homosexuality is considered a “deviance” imported from the West. Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s speech in Dakar in May 2024 recently confirmed this gap between so-called “Western” thinking and African positions. The leader of La France Insoumise caused an uproar by stating that he did not agree with Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko on the issue of same-sex marriage... Polygamy is also considered an African tradition (note that three-quarters of the study participants are men). Textbooks, as well as television programs, sometimes broadcast by non-African operators (including Canal+, a French group owned by Vincent Bolloré), are accused of promoting non-African values. The entire “cultural hegemony” of the West is questioned: “It never talked about our realities,” says one panelist.

“When we say ’anti-French sentiment’, it’s as if Africans have a grudge against individual French people. For me, that’s not it. Rather, it’s a rejection of a system,” adds a Beninese. “For the people interviewed, it is necessary to make a very clear distinction between criticism of the French state or decision-makers and the relationship with French citizens,” analyze the authors of the report. “We are simply denouncing their excessive interference in our politics,” points out an Ivorian. “Because we are patriots. What they would not want us to do in their country, they should not come and do [it] to us. That’s all.”

This call for a ’new sovereignty’ would not be heard enough by French decision-makers, who lack “humility” in their relationship with Africa and Africans, unlike other countries, such as the United States and Russia. “A change of posture by French policymakers is necessary. First, listen to and receive the words, including criticism, of those most concerned,” concludes the study.

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